Napolitano I’s 18 Brumaire and the M5S


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Presentation by Paolo Becchi, Professor of the Philosophy of Law in the Faculty of Jurisprudence at the University of Genoa: "Napolitano I’s 18 Brumaire and the M5S"

“We are getting near the end: the end of the presidential term of office for Napolitano, and the end of the sixteenth legislature of the Italian Republic that was split into two phases with the passage of power from Berlusconi to Monti. And yet work goes on to “block“ the system, even though there are the end of office moments coming up - and there are imminent elections - and this is perhaps the reason why it’s happening. Napolitano has declared that he will continue to “be watchful“ in relation to respect for the commitments made to the EU. King Giorgio will no longer be President, but he is leaving an inheritance to his successor (and who could that be, if not Monti? Ciampi had a “cursus honorum” like that: from President of the Council to Head of State).
The President of the Republic seems to be saying that the forthcoming elections don’t count: that all the parties have to accept the continuity of the programme of the Monti government. Paradoxically, the elections are to ensure the continuity of a government that continues to present itself as a “time-limited“ experience. Monti insists on saying that the technical government“ has just been a “parenthesis“: "The experience of the technical government is time-limited [...]. Once the experience of the technical government has gone by, what will remain for the future will be the importance of the capabilities in political activity."


In other words, the MoVement must not be just an Opposition, a protest force, an expression of dissent and of the “delusion” of the Italians in relation to the parties. In fact, the delusion, the abstention, the protest vote will not on their own prevent the consolidation of the “Third Republic” (in fact that is largely legitimised with the intervention of the “custodian” of the Constitution, due to the void of abstention-ism and the disapproval shown towards the political parties that were then in government).
It’s true: in Parliament, the MoVement can have no role except in Opposition, but that must not “institutionalise it“: it must not lose its uncompromising and anti-system momentum. It has to be in the chamber but it must always be outside beyond the Palace. The MoVimento 5 Stelle {5 Star MoVement} now needs a positive and definitive doctrine. It will not be a party for the very reason that it is not destined for compromise. The parties have abstract ideologies that they use like cards to be played at the table of political negotiations. “Ideologies“ are created to be compromised with other “ideologies”. Campaign groups do not have ideologies: they have a target, an objective. This is why the MoVimento 5 Stelle cannot by definition, “form alliances. And it is with the aim of distorting it, that the newspapers have started to put forward possible election tactics by means of the alliance with the IdV or with SEL - that the MoVement can never accept. Campaign groups work in a single direction. They cannot get lost on the way. They cannot choose to “turn” to the right or to the left. This is why they cannot compromise. This is why the MoVimento 5 Stelle{5 Star MoVement} must remain as a campaign group, it must continue to evolve and it must never stop. This is why, whatever the result of the elections in 2013, it must never re-imagine itself as an Opposition force nor as a Majority force.
This is not its nature. This is not its target. What it should do is to bring Italy out of this mouse trap - out of this political and economic system that is dictated by Europe, and give back sovereignty to the Italians. " Paolo Becchi

PS. On 22 September there’s a public meeting in Parma and I’m going to be present. It’s in piazza della Pace and it’ll start at 2:00 pm and finish at 6:00 pm. The topic to be discussed is "Dies Iren -the end of the incinerators."

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On 18 Brumaire, 1799 in France there was a coup d’état. Before it, there had been the Revolution, you know: people were poor, brave and young. In the end, government got abolished – all the government – and the power was of three consuls: Sieyès, Ducos and Napoleon Bonaparte. In Ancient Rome, Pompey Magnus had been consul sine collega (consul without colleague) and had gone bad. Bonaparte became first consul, too. Consul means colleague and, ordinarily at least in its best age, in Rome it was so: if one is the colleague, must have another one. Then, the consuls are two and it has better leave everything as it is.

Posted by: Giuseppe Paolo Mazzarello, M.D. | September 22, 2012 01:11 AM

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